معاونت پژوهشی دانشگاه شیرازشعر پژوهی(بوستان ادب)2008-818314420230220Pathology of Schools and Universities Prosody Textbooksآسیبشناسی کتابهای آموزشی عروض مدارس و دانشگاهها124684310.22099/jba.2022.44132.4256FAعبدالخالق پرهیزیاستادیار گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی دانشگاه پیام نور مرکز بوکان0000-0002-6400-4946Journal Article20220623<strong> </strong><br /><strong>Pathology of Schools and Universities Prosody Textbooks</strong><br />Parhizi Abdolkhalegh<br />Assistant Professor of Persian Language & Literature<br />Payame Noor University<br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>Abstract:</strong><br />In the textbooks of prosody of schools and universities of the country, from the years after the Islamic Revolution until now, there has been a special method that is different from the traditional method of prosody. Taghi Vahidian Kamyar and Sirus Shamisa are two of the authors of these textbooks, whose books have played the most important role in teaching prosody in schools and universities over these years. Both of these authors, whose method is very close to each other, claim that their method is scientific and much simpler and more efficient than the traditional method. But since this method alone is not able to explain all the issues of prosody, they claim that they have combined this method with traditional method where necessary.<br />Now, in this regard, the following questions are raised: Is the method adopted by these authors to teach prosody really a scientific, efficient and simple method and has it been able to solve all the problems of prosody and introduce students to Persian prosody completely? Is this method more efficient, accessible and convenient than the traditional method? Are the criticisms made by these authors on the traditional method correct? Has the method they have adopted really improved the traditional method or has it made it more complicated and difficult? Have these authors, as they have claimed, succeeded in combining the scientific method with the traditional method or not?<br />In this speech, we have reviewed their books with a descriptive-analytical method and have shown that first of all, these two authors have accepted unconditionally the criticisms that some contemporary researchers such as Parviz Natel Khanlari, Masoud Farzad, Alul Saton and Abolhasan Najafi have made on traditional prosody and the suggestions that these researchers have made to improve the traditional method and they have followed them in their books while all these criticisms have not been appropriate and correct, and all these suggestions have not advanced in the direction of improving the traditional method. For example it has been appropriate and correct that they have placed the intersection on the basis of syllables instead of static and moving letters and have redefined foots and components of prosody on the basis of syllables, and have used the data of phonetics and phonology to explain prosodic issues and it has contributed to the simplification and accuracy of prosodic topics, but the efforts that these researchers have made with the intention of avoiding the complex issue of Zahafat from traditional method have not led to any success and have unnecessarily caused the proliferation of prosody components and the complexity of the meter classification method. Also, this acts have practically broken the relationships that the classes of meters have with each other in traditional prosody and have placed the bases of classification on the formal factors and disrupted the coherence of classification system.<br />On the other hand, such acts of taste have caused an excessive increase in the number of prosody meters and confused the border of common and pleasant meters with rare and insignificant meters.<br />In addition, in many cases, this critics have not been able to offer something better instead of the objections they made on the traditional method, and they have finally returned to the same things that they criticized. For example these researchers have said that only meters whose components are repetitive or alternating are balanced and they have tried very hard to scan all meters with repetitive or alternating components, but in the end they were forced to accept the meters that are intersected with three or four different components in their classification system.<br />Secondly, in the places where these two authors have used the proposed new methods despite the traditional method, they have not explained basics and principles of these methods, and as a result, their words have come out without an introduction and vague. And it has caused students to wander. While the contents in the educational books should be cooked and tested and experienced and classic and approved by the professors of art. Any untested and unconsidered proposal does not deserve to be included in official textbooks.<br />Thirdly, the method that these researchers have called scientific, in the other words, the method that is based on the data of phonetics and phonology, it is true that it is accurate and calculated, but it is very limited and undeveloped and incapable, and without the help of the traditional method cannot justify and explain many basic issues of prosody knowledge. While this two authors have claimed that wherever it was necessary, they returned to the traditional method and combined it with scientific method, not only did they not do this, but actually under pretext simplifying, many basic problems of prosody have been left unexplained and finally, they have referred the prosody students to the traditional books of prosody. It is obvious that if these prosody student were able to use the traditional resources of prosody on their own, they would no longer need a class, a lesson, a teacher and to get acquainted with a handful of raw and unconsidered suggestions.<br />Fourthly, these authors have not correctly raised some prosody issues as required by their proposed method; for example, both authors have suggested that prosody students use Persian script for phonetic writing, while this task is actually difficult and causes many mistakes for beginners or, where they have placed the components of mozahaf in the row of the main prosody components, they have not counted these components completely so that the prosody learner is able to scan all the available meters, but they have only included the components that are in a small number of famous and widely used meters.<br />As a result, these educational books cannot introduce the learners of prosody to all problems of prosodic knowledge and provide them with ground to master this literary knowledge and deal creatively with its problems.<br />Keywords: Persian prosody, pathology, Taghi Vahidian Kamyar, Sirus Shamisa, teaching prosody in schools, teaching prosody in universities<br /> <br /><strong>Refrences:</strong><br /><strong>Books:</strong><br />- Parhizi, Abdolkhalegh (2017). <em>A Comprehenstve Review of the Meter of Persian Poetry</em>, 1<sup>st </sup>ed. Tehran: Ferdows Publications and Publishing Farhang Rooz.<br />- KHaje Nasir ad-Din Tusi (1990). <em>Me'yar ol-Ash'ar</em>, Jalil Tajlil (Emend), 1<sup>st</sup> ed, Teran: Publishing Jami and Nahid Publications.<br />- Shams ad-Din Mohammad ben Qays ar-Razi (1994). <em>Al- Mo'jam fi Ma'ayear al- Ash'ar el-'Ajam</em>, Sirus Shamisa (Emend), 1<sup>st </sup>ed, Tehran: Ferdows Publications.<br />- Shamisa, Sirus (1987). <em>Familiarity with Prosody and Rhym</em>, Tehran: Ferdows Publications.<br />- Shamisa, Sirus (2011). <em>Prosody and Rhym</em>, 4<sup>th </sup>ed, Tehran: Payam e Nur University Press.<br />- Najafi, Abu- al- Hasan (2015a). Poetic authority and other articles in Persian prosody, Tehran: Nilufar Pablications.<br />- Najafi, Abu- al- Hasan (2015 b). About the Classification of Persian Poetry Meters, Tehran: Nilufar Pablications.<br />- Vahidian Kamyar, Taghi (1990). Prosody and Rhyme of Persian Poetry, 2<sup>nd </sup>ed, Tehran: University Pablication Center.<br />- Vahidian Kamyar, Taghi (1994). Rhyme and Prosody, Fourth year of general secondary education, Field of literature and humanities, Tehran: Ministry of Education.<br /><strong>Articles:</strong><br />- Hasani, Hamid (1999). Take a Look at Two Academic Textbooks on Prosody and Rhyme, <em>Poetry Magazine</em>, No 26, P 122-139.<br />- Council for the Review of Humanities Texts and Books (n.d). The Review of Prosody and Rhyme Book, Pre-university Textbook, Tghqi Vahidian Kamyar, Ministry of Education 1379, <em>Review Letter of Persian Language and Literature</em>, p 47-49.<br /> در کتاب­های آموزشی عروض مدارس و دانشگاه­های کشور از سال­های بعد از انقلاب اسلامی تاکنون، روش خاصی حاکم بوده که با روش سنتی عروض متفاوت است. تقی وحیدیان کامیار و سیروس شمیسا، دو تن از مؤلفان این کتاب­های آموزشی هستند که کتاب­هایشان در این سال­ها بیشترین نقش را در آموزش عروض در مدارس و دانشگاه­ها داشته است. هردوی این مؤلفان که روش آنها بسیار به هم نزدیک است، مدعی هستند که روششان علمی و نسبت به روش سنتی بسیار ساده­تر و کارآمدتر است؛ اما چون این روش بهتنهایی قادر به تبیین همهی مسائل عروض نیست، ایشان مدعی هستند که این روش را هرجا که لازم بوده است، با روش سنتی تلفیق کرده­اند. در این گفتار ما کتابهای آنها را با روش توصیفی- تحلیلی موردنقد و بررسی قرار داده و نشان داده­ایم که هردوی این مؤلفان در تلفیق کردن روش علمی عروض با روش سنتی ناموفق بودهاند؛ بنابراین از تبیین و توضیح بسیاری از مسائل اساسی علم عروض عاجز مانده­اند و با راهحل­هایی که ارائه داده­اند و روشی که در پیش گرفته­اند، نهتنها مباحث این دانش ادبی را برای دانشجویان و دانش­آموزان آسانتر نکرده­؛ بلکه آن را پیچیده­تر و دشوارتر کردهاند و عملاً عروض­آموزان را به بیراهه کشانده و سرگردان کرده­اند و مانع دستیابی ایشان به اصول و قواعد درست این دانش ادبی شده­اند.<br /><strong> </strong>https://jba.shirazu.ac.ir/article_6843_83c6697a04eb423c8b523674e6f19724.pdfمعاونت پژوهشی دانشگاه شیرازشعر پژوهی(بوستان ادب)2008-818314420230220Analysis and Formulation of Social Romanticism in Golrokhsar Safieva's Poetryتحلیل و صورت بندی رمانتیسم اجتماعی در شعر گل رخسار صفی آوا2550673210.22099/jba.2022.43925.4250FAابراهیم خدایاردانشیار زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشکدۀ علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرس، تهران، ایرانعاطفه هوماندانشجوی کارشناسی ارشد زبان و ادبیات فارسی دانشکده علوم انسانی دانشگاه تربیت مدرس تهرانJournal Article20220530<strong>Analysis and formulation of social romanticism in Golrokhsar Safieva's poetry</strong><br /><strong>Ebrahim Khodayar[1] - Atefeh Homan[2]</strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>Extended abstract:</strong><br /><br /><strong> </strong><strong>Introduction</strong><br /><br />The connection between Iran and Transoxiana goes back to the history of their formation. Simultaneously, with the establishment of the Safavid government in Iran and the Shaybanids in Uzbek Khanate in Bukhara in the 10th century AH, the common political destiny between Iran and this region was separated from each other, but the cultural relations of these two regions continued until the period of Soviets and the formation of the Soviet Union. The separation of the two regions reached its peak by forming new geography and changing the Persian script to the Cyrillic and Latin in the second language in the newly established Republic of Tajikistan. The anti-cultural policies of the Soviet government continued with power during the time of Lenin and Stalin; But with Stalin's death and Khrushchev's coming to power in 1953, little by little the space was prepared for the reconnection between the people of both sides of Oxus, and the ground was provided for returning to the common roots among them. From now on, in Tajik poetry, we observe themes that have no history before. This process became stronger during Gorbachev's era (1985), until the collapse of the Soviet Union and the independence of Tajikistan (1991), the period of real Tajik poetry revival began.<br /> <br /><br /><strong> </strong><strong>research methods, background and purpose</strong><br /><br />The authors' method in this research is a descriptive analysis based on the principles of the social romanticism school, which has been done for the first time after analyzing the entire poetic heritage of Golrokhsar in this regard. The analysis of poems through the literary schools and the recognition of its common features help us to better understand the contemporary poetry of Persian speakers. The study of contemporary Tajik poetry began after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the creation of common cultural ties between Iran and Tajikistan with the publication of works on the overall state of Tajikistan and its poem And in recent years, researches were conducted on its prominent poets, but the study of social romanticism in contemporary Tajik poetry and Golrokhsar Safieva is unprecedented. The main purpose of this research is to investigate the factors and contexts of the emergence of social romanticism in contemporary Tajik poetry and analysis and categorization of social romanticism in poetry of Golrokhsar Safieva to determine which of these effects and aspects in the poet’s poem is highlighted and have played a more prominent role in the formation process of his individuality.<br /> <br /><br /><strong> </strong><strong>discussion and review</strong><br /><br />The issue of this study is recognition of the factors and fields of social romanticism in contemporary Tajik and Golrokhsor Safieva. Tajikistan and its turbulent history during the Soviet era, the developments of contemporary Tajik poetry and its familiarity with the prolific Russian literature, the political and economic factors governing Tajikistan during this period made the poetry of this period a suitable platform for the emergence of social romanticism. All these factors under political factors (councils and socialist realism trend, World War II, formation of new geography in the region and civil war in Tajikistan), economic and social factors (poverty and corruption ruling the society, injustices and giving many privileges to The Soviet Union, the single-productization of Tajikistan) and intellectual and cultural factors (the movement of educationists and modernists, attack on the Persian script and language, attack on religion and religious principles and familiarity with Russian literature) were investigated and their connection with the rise of social romanticism was analyzed. After analyzing these factors, social Romanticism was investigated in flower Golrokhsar poem. In her poems, Safieva goes through the stage of romantic individuality and personal concerns (individual romanticism) and deals with collective and public issues and problems (social romanticism).This is the characteristic of most of the poems written during this period; So that it can be claimed that this current is one of the main contemporary Tajik poetic flows, which started with Mumin Qanoat and Bozor Sobir, Layeq Sherali and Golrokhsar continued it in their poetic heritage.<br />The main effects of social romanticism in Golrokhsar were studied in seven sections:<br /><br />The country of honor and the nation of the sun: nationalism and patriotic themes<br />poets of national pains: protesting the political, economic and social situation<br />The religion of love and purity: moral principles and values<br />sadness irreligion: religion and beliefs<br />In search of self: self-knowledge and self-awareness<br />Missing women: issues and problems of women<br />spring courier: hope and idealism<br /><br />The socio-political situation of Tajikistan and its complaints and criticism, and attention to nationalist concepts are more evident in his poems. In all his poems, the poet creates a deep nostalgic feeling in his audience towards the homeland by taking refuge in ethnic and national memories, and by focusing on this issue, he reaches individuality.<br /><br /><strong>Conclusion</strong><br /><br />Knowing the factors and fields affecting the emergence of social romanticism in contemporary Tajik poetry helps to better understand the contemporary poetry of this land. The analysis of poetry and the poet's intellectual system based on the principles of social romanticism determined that Golrokhsar is one of the most prominent contemporary Tajik poets in this field. In most of his poems, he has social and public concerns, which he has presented in a romantic format. Golrokhsar’s poetry is based on two foundations: the external nature and the internal world, and this has caused his poems to be both romantic and committed to people and society. Based on the results of the analysis and categorization of social romanticism in his collection of poetry, it was found that the poet's attention is focused more on the fate of society and politics and criticism of it, homeland and geographical, historical and cultural aspects and nationalistic themes.<br /><strong>Keywords:</strong> Contemporary Tajik poetry, Social romanticism, Golrokhsar Safieva.<br /> <br /><strong>References [In Persian]</strong><br /><br />Aliakbarzadeh, M. (2012). <em>"Political and social romances in the contemporary poetry of Tajikistan"</em>, Research Journal of Ghanaian Literature, Vol. 11, Vol. 20, pp. 181-196.<br />Bechka, Y. (1993). <em>Persian Literature in Tajikistan</em> (Translated by Mahmud Ebadian and Saeed Abanezhad HejranDoust). Tehran: Markaz-e-Motaleat-va-Tahqiqat-e-Farhangi.<br />Dadkhah, H, Heydary, M. (2006), <em>"Romanticism in the poetry of Badr al-Shaker al-Sayyab", </em>Nashrie-e-Adab-va-zaban, N 19, p.p 115-129.<br />DahrabBeigi, N. 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Dushanbsh: maoref.<br /><br /> <br /> <br />[1] Corresponding Author: Email: hesam_kh1@modares.ac.ir, Associate Professor of Persian Language and Literature at Tarbiat Modares University (TMU).<br />[2] Masters student Of Persian Litterature, Faculty of literature and human sciences, Tarbiat Modares University, Tehran, Iran.<strong>تحلیل و صورت­بندی رمانتیسم اجتماعی در شعر گل­ رخسار صفی ­اوا</strong><strong> </strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>ابراهیم خدایار</strong><strong>*</strong><br /><strong>عاطفه هومان</strong><strong>*</strong><strong>*</strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>چکیده </strong><br />گل­رخسار صفی­اوا (تولد 1947م) یکی از برجسته­ترین نمایندگان رمانتیسم اجتماعی معاصر تاجیک است. وی با پرداختن به دردهای مردم و یادآوری شکوه و عظمت کشورش، روحیه­ی اعتراض را در هم­وطنانش تقویت می­کند. پرسشهای اصلی پژوهش این است که چه عواملی در عطف توجه گلرخسار به رمانتیسم اجتماعی نقش داشته و مؤلفه­های بازنماییشدهی رمانتیسم اجتماعی در دیوان­ او کدام­اند؟ کدام یک از این مؤلفه­ها در اشعار شاعر نمود بارزتری دارد و در روند شکل­گیری فردیتش نقش بیشتری ایفا کرده است؟ تحلیل اشعار شاعر براساس میراث بنیادهای نظری مکتب رمانتیسم و جریان رمانتیسم اجتماعی نشان داد که عوامل سیاسی، اقتصادی و فرهنگی حاکم بر تاجیکستان در دوران شوراها، در عطف توجه شاعر به رمانتیسم اجتماعی نقش داشته است. مؤلفه­های بازنمایی­شدهی رمانتیسم اجتماعی در شعر او مضامین ناسیونالیستی و وطنی، اعتراض به مسائل سیاسی و اجتماعی و فرهنگی، خودآگاهی، ارزش­های اخلاقی، توجه به مسائل و مشکلات زنان، پرداختن به عقاید دینی، امید و آرمان­گرایی و در پایان دعوت به مبارزه، آزادی­خواهی و بیداری است. وضعیت اجتماعی- سیاسی و شکایت و انتقاد از آن، ضمن توجه به مفاهیم ناسیونالیستی در اشعار او نمود بارزتری دارد. شاعر در تمام اشعارش با پناه­ بردن به خاطرات قومی ـ ملی حس نوستالژیک عمیقی در مخاطب خود نسبت به وطن با تمام ابعاد آن ایجاد می­کند و با تمرکز بر این موضوع بر لزوم خودآگاهی و خودشناسی ملی به فردیت میرسد، به­گونه­ای که می­توان او را «شاعر دردهای ملی» نامید.<br /> <br /> <br />* دانشیار زبان و ادبیات فارسی دانشگاه تربیت مدرس hesam_kh1@modares.ac.ir (نویسندهی مسئول)<br />** دانشجوی کارشناسی ارشد زبان و ادبیات فارسی دانشگاه تربیت مدرس atefehhooman22@modares.ac.ir<br /> <br /><strong>تاریخ دریافت مقاله</strong><strong>: 9/3/1401 تاریخ پذیرش مقاله: 14/6</strong><strong>/1401</strong>https://jba.shirazu.ac.ir/article_6732_08c5d0727f9dc6c85bcbce9d03ba5be7.pdfمعاونت پژوهشی دانشگاه شیرازشعر پژوهی(بوستان ادب)2008-818314420230220Criticism of the Divān of Rafiuddin Lonbani Esfahani Correction,
and Re-correction of some of its Versesنقد تصحیح دیوان رفیعالدّین لنبانی اصفهانی و تصحیح دگربارهی بعضی از ابیات آن5180682910.22099/jba.2022.44208.4261FAلیلا شوقیدانش آموخته دکتری زبان و ادبیات فارسیJournal Article20220702<strong>Criticism of the Divān of Rafiuddin Lonbani Esfahani Correction,</strong><br /><strong>and Re-correction of some of its Verses</strong><br /><strong>Leila shoghi,</strong><strong> </strong><strong>Ph.D Persian Language and Literature Kharazmi University, Iran</strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><br /><strong> Introduction</strong><br /><br />The importance of the technique of text correction, which is the main basis of other research, is clear to everyone. From the past until now, many proofreaders have spent their time and knowledge in this field and tried to provide revised and trustable texts. However, due to its special nature, which is the result of the author's absence, this field always provides the opportunity for new observations. Therefore, sometimes a text is recorrected and represented differently after the first time. The reason for this is usually finding a valid version or versions or trying to fix the bugs and shortcomings of the previous correction. One of these texts is Diwan of Rafiuddin Lonbani.<br />Rafiuddin Abdulaziz Lonbani is one of the poets of the late 6th and early 7th century, from Lanban. There is limited information about Rafi al-Din's biography and life events, like many others before the Mongols. From Divan Rafi, more than 1500 verses have been left in the form of odes, sonnets, quatrain, stanzas and <em>Ghat’e</em>. His poetry is important in terms of various linguistic and literary benefits, reflecting some social customs. Divan Rafi has been published twice so far, But there are still errors in the text and weaknesses in the correction method, lack of needed details and lists.<br /><strong> </strong><br /><br /><strong> Methodology</strong><br /><br />Taghi Binesh (1990) was the first in correcting and presenting Rafi’s Divān, shortly followed by Mohammad Hoveida (1994), a couple of years later. Since then, despite the mistakes and shortcomings that are evident in both editions, no criticism has been made about these two corrections. This article, by criticizing the previous two corrections, shows the necessity of recorrecting this text. For this purpose, six manuscripts have been used in the following order:<br /><br />From collection number 103 of the Chesterbiti library, in manuscript, written on Saturday 23 Dhu al-Hijjah 699.<br />From a collection in the Hakimoglu library with number 669. Without the name of the author and the date of writing, in the manuscript.<br />From a collection numbered 3/16-I belonging to the library of the Islamic Council, in Nastaliq script, written by Qutbuddin Kermani, dated 1017.<br />The copy of the library of the Islamic Council, number 986. In Nastaliq's handwriting, without the name of the author and the date of writing.<br />From a collection numbered 2846 belonging to the British Museum. The book of Mohammad Taleghani, in Nastaliq script.<br />From collection No. 135-3 belonging to the library of the Islamic Council. Without the name of the scribe, in Nastaliq script, written in 1241-1242.<br /><br /><strong> </strong><br /><br /><strong> Disccusion</strong><br /><br /><strong>manuscripts</strong><br />Binesh has done his work based on the Chesterbiti version (the oldest version dated 699) and against the two versions of the British Museum and Turkey (around the 11th century). Hoveida used six manuscripts which he did not introduce well; Therefore, the value and validity of the copies are not clear.<br /><strong>correction method</strong><br />Among the types of correction methods, for a text whose version is superior to other versions in terms of age and accuracy, the best method is critical correction by determining the primary version; As Binesh has chosen it. Hoveyda did not explain his correction method. In addition to this, his correction has two major problems:<br />- Changing the correct recordings of the previous correction to incorrect recordings<br />- Failure to observe modern calligraphy and incorrect spelling<br /><strong>variants report</strong><br />The narrative of the replacements in the edition of Binish is based on trustworthiness and correct ijtihads. Hoveida has reported only the replacements. Two major forms can also be seen in his work:<br /><br />Single numbers are not being placed in their correct place<br />Confusion in the use of version abbreviations<br /><br /><strong>Shortcomings of both editions</strong><br /><br />weakness in writing the introduction, lack of needed details and lists<br />missed poems<br />failure to identify whether the poems attribution is correct<br />intermingling poetic forms<br />unidentified qasidahs’ praised subject<br /><br /><strong>Re-correction of some verses which are wrong in both corrections</strong>. For example:<br />Cheninsefat (lonbani, 1990: 144; lonbani, 1994: 61)<br />correct form: janinsefat<br />The correctness of the recording of janinsefat is well evident in terms of observing the semantic and lexical proportions, and the mistake made in the previous two corrections is only the result of the haste and carelessness of the correctors and not paying attention to the meaning.<br /><strong> </strong><br /><br /><strong> Conclusion</strong><br /><br />Taghi Binesh (1990) was the first in correcting and presenting Rafi’s Divān, shortly followed by Mohammad Hoveida (1994), a couple of years later. The review and evaluation of these two corrections showed that despite the presence of some new material in the preface of the Hoveida's edition and the correction of some incorrect recordings of the previous correction, the correction of Binesh due to the use of authentic versions, the methodical nature of the correction, and the presence of the corrector with various ijtihads and some useful explanations, it is superior to Hoveida's correction. However, Binish did not present Divan Rafi as it should. The : weakness of both editions in writing the introduction, lack of needed details and lists, missed poems ,not identifying the correctness of the attribution of the poems that appear in the Diwan of other poets, intermingling poetic forms and unidentified qasidahs’ praised subject in addition to the Diwan of Lonbani, as well as the many mistakes that still exist in the text, show the necessity of another correction of the Diwan of this lesser-known poet of the 7th century.<br /> <br /><strong>Keywords:</strong> Text Correction, Divān, Rafiuddin Lonbani Esfahani, Manuscript, Text Criticism<br /><strong> </strong><strong>References</strong><br />Abū al-Futūh Rāzi, Husayn ibn ʿAlī. (1997) Rawd al-Jinan wa Rūh al-Janān fi Tafsir al-Qor'ān. MohammadJa'far Yāhaqqi (Ed), Mashhad: Astan Quds Razavi.<br />Akhsikti, Athiraluddin. (1958) Diwan. Roknuddin Homayoun Farrokh (Ed), Tehran: Rudaki Bookstore.<br />Amīr Mu‘izzī. (1939) Diwan. 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Mohammad Rowshan (Ed), Tehran: Soroush.<br />Zolāli Khānsāri, MohammadHasan. (2005) Complete Works. Sa'id Shafi'iyun (Ed), Tehran: The Library, and Document Center of Iran Parliament.<br /> <br /> <br /><strong>Abstract </strong><br /><em>Rafiuddin Abdulaziz Lonbani Esfahani</em> is one of the orators of late 6<sup>th</sup> and early 7<sup>th</sup> AH centuries (late 13<sup>th</sup> and early 14<sup>th</sup> centuries AD), who has a collection of poems in both Persian and Arabic languages. Most of his poems are in the form of praising <em>Qasidahs</em> (ballads); however, he has also tried <em>Ghazal</em> (amatory poem), <em>Rubā</em><em>ʿ</em><em>ī</em> (quatrain), <em>Tarkīb-band</em> (stanzas), and <em>Ghat’e</em> (ode). Taghi Binesh (1990) was the first in correcting and presenting Rafi’s Divān, shortly followed by Mohammad Hoveida (1994), a couple of years later. This article examines and criticizes the two available corrections in terms of three aspects, i.e. manuscripts, correction method, and variants report, as well as manifesting their shortcomings. The main list of such shortcomings includes: weakness in writing the introduction, lack of needed details and lists, missed poems, failure to identify whether the poems attribution is correct, intermingling poetic forms and unidentified qasidahs’ praised subject. The author has further obtained six well-known manuscripts, and, providing remarks, re-corrected some verses which are incorrect in both editions, as a means to emphasize on the need for re-correction of Rafi’s Divān to achieve a revised text.<br /> <br /> <strong>نقد تصحیح دیوان رفیعالدّین لنبانی اصفهانی </strong><strong>و تصحیح دگربارهی بعضی از ابیات آن</strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>لیلا شوقی</strong><strong>*</strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>چکیده </strong><br />رفیعالدّین عبدالعزیز لنبانی اصفهانی از گویندگان اواخر سدهی ششم و اوایل سدهی هفتم است که اشعاری به زبان فارسی و عربی دارد. بیشتر اشعار او در قالب قصاید مدحی است؛ امّا در غزل، رباعی، ترکیببند و قطعه نیز طبعآزماییهایی کرده است. نخستینبار تقی بینش در سال 1369 و چند سال بعد، محمّد هویدا در سال 1373 <em>دیوان رفیع</em> را تصحیح و عرضه کردهاند. این مقاله به ارزیابی و نقد دو تصحیح موجود در سه بخش نسخهها، شیوهی تصحیح و گزارش نسخهبدلها و همچنین ارائهی انواع کاستیهای آنها پرداخته است. مهمّترین این کاستیها عبارتاند از: ضعف در تألیف مقدّمه، نداشتن تعلیقات و فهرستهای لازم، افتادگیها، مشخّص نکردن درست یا نادرست بودن انتساب اشعار، درهمآمیختگی قالبهای شعری و مشخّص نبودن ممدوح قصاید. در ادامه نیز نویسنده با تهیّهی شش نسخهی خطّی شناختهشده، بعضی ابیات را که در هر دو چاپ نادرست است، با ارائهی توضیحات لازم، بار دیگر تصحیح و از این رهگذر بر ضرورت تصحیح مجدّد <em>دیوان رفیع</em> بهمنظور دستیابی به متنی منقّح تأکید کرده است.<br /> <br /> <br />* دکتری زبان و ادبیات فارسی leilashoghi@ymail.com<br /><strong>تاریخ دریافت مقاله: 11/4/1401 تاریخ پذیرش مقاله: </strong><strong>4/8/1401</strong>https://jba.shirazu.ac.ir/article_6829_8b44be6bb02fb9f3cc29992ec904a916.pdfمعاونت پژوهشی دانشگاه شیرازشعر پژوهی(بوستان ادب)2008-818314420230220The Necessity of Re-Correction of "Masnavis of Setteh" by Shah Daei Allah Shiraziضرورت تصحیح مجدد «مثنویّات ستّه» شاه داعی الله شیرازی8196666510.22099/jba.2022.41297.4095FAخدیجه کیانیدانشجوی دکتری زبان و ادبیات فارسی دانشگاه اصفهان .اصفهان ایرانمحسن محمدی فشارکیدانشیار زبان و ادبیات فارسی. دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی.دانشگاه اصفهان . اصفهان .ایرانJournal Article20210726 <br />Khadijeh Kiyani <sup>1 </sup>. Mohsen Mohammadi Fesharaki<br /><sup> 1- Ph. D. candidate, Department of Persian Language and Literature, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, Iran.</sup><br /><sup>2-Associate Professor, Department of Persian Language and Literature, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, Iran.</sup><br /><strong>Abstract and Introduction</strong><br />Manuscripts are among the most valuable cultural heritage of nations. Dealing with these sources is actually recognizing the identity of a nation and protecting it, and it is a way that leads to the realization of the ideals of that nation. A huge part of our cultural background is locked up in these precious works and is not adorned with the ornament of desire; therefore, the need to revive these texts is obvious to everyone. Shah Daei Allah Shirazi is a mystic of the 9th century AH and one of the successors of Shah Nematollah Vali Kermani. He was engaged in preaching in Shiraz for thirty years. First, he became one of the companions of Sheikh Abu Ishaq Bahrami, then he went to Kerman in order to fulfill his soul and desire to visit Shah Nematollah Vali. He has an honorable position as a poet and a high thought. Among his works, we can mention his Divan, which includes Setteh Masnavis, Sanctums Divan, Import Divan, Export Divan, the new word, the renewed grace. Among his other works are Nasaiem al-Ashar in the description of "Golshan Raz" and Javahar al-Konooz in the description of "Saad al-Din Hamouyeh's quatrains". In addition, he has an apostolate on mystical issues; among them, Osveh-al-Kasveh, an explicit expression, Tohfa Al-Mushtaq, Solveh Al-Qulob. One of the valuable works of Shah Daei Shirazi is his Setteh Masnavis. This book mentions mystical issues, examines the principles and rules of spiritual journey, and describes the stages of Sufism.<br /><strong>Methodology.Background and Aim</strong><br /> The Setteh Masnavis of Shah Daei was published only once in the year (1339) by the efforts and corrections of Mohammad Dabirsiyaghi, and after that no further corrections were made. In his correction, the late Dabirsiaghi used the copy of the Malek library numbered (4912) with the abbreviation "Mel" and the copy of the Majles library with the abbreviation "Maj", and in both versions, the Masnavi of "The love letter" is incomplete. Also, he mentions the British Museum copy numbered (B.P.5268 MS. Elliot 48) to which the abbreviation "B" has been assigned and mentions it as the most complete and best copy of Shah Daei's collections; and in fact, it is the same version as the Badalian library. Despite the fact that the late Dabirsiaghi saw the British Museum copy and considered it the most complete copy; but unfortunately, it has not been used and it has not been mentioned except for a few cases; however, many of the defects in his edition can be corrected with this edition.<br /><strong>Discussion and review</strong><br />In this research, which is the result of the re-correction of " Setteh Masnavis", the reasons for the need to re-correct this work, including the problems related to the correction method, misreading and incorrect reading of the text, neglecting the sources, comparative correction and misappropriation in the text and incorrect selection are examined. It is placed and many examples have been proposed for each title. Another disadvantage of Dabirsiaghi printing is the weakness in providing annotations. In this book, annotations are given in a brief and indicative form at the bottom of each page. What is certain is that not having an authentic version in one's possession, along with irregularity in the method of correction and arbitrary correction, anxiety in choosing the main and replacement version, disregarding external sources and carelessness in editing the text, are the main reasons for the occurrence of these errors and the corrections in Setteh Masnavis.<br /><strong>Result</strong><br />Although the correction of Professor Dabirsiaghi's Masnavis of Setteh Shah Daei is very valuable and valid, it is not without the need for correction, revision and correction of defects, and what has been said is only a small part of the errors, misreading and defects introduced, it is valuable in correcting this work. . By confronting the existing versions and studying secondary sources such as cultures, reminders and other works of Shah Daei, we tried to provide the readers with a revised and scientific correction of this work. Relying on these sources, especially the valuable copy of the Badalian Museum (Britain) or the copy of the University of Tehran, many misreading, omissions, and ambiguities can be resolved in the correction of Dabirsiaghi.<br /><strong>Keywords</strong>: Correction, manuscript, Shah Daei Shirazi, Setteh Masnavis, Dabirsiaghi<br /> <br />The application of the result of this research is in the field of expanding scientific publications, and since the text is the foundation of all research in the field of Persian literature, the revival of this work can open the way for many researches in the field of introducing Shah Dai Allah Shirazi and showing the angles He has different opinions and thoughts. The application of the result of this research is in the field of expanding scientific publications and since the text is the foundation of all research in the field of Persian literature. The revival of this work can open the way for many researches in the field of introducing Shah Daei Allah Shirazi and specifying the various angles of his ideas and thoughts.<br /> <br /><strong>Resources</strong><strong>:</strong><br />Izutsu, Toshihiko (1385). Sufism and Taoism, translated by: Mohammad Javad Gohari, Tehran: Rozeneh<br />Tafazoli, Abulqasem (1382). Sama, Tehran: Zaryab<br />- Hafez, Shamseddin Mohammad (2014). The Divan of Hafez Shirazi, edited by: Allameh Mohammad Qazvini, Tehran: Payam edalat.<br />Zarin Koob, Abdul Hossein (1357). Searching in Iranian Sufism, Tehran: Amir Kabir<br />Attar, Farodin Mohammad (1386). The tragedy letter, correction and introduction: Mohammadreza Shafiei Kadkani, Tehran speech<br />Attar, Faridin Mohammad (1391). The reminders of the saints, research and correction: Mohammad estalami, Tehran: Zovar<br />Attar, Fariduddin Mohammad (1374). Mantegh al teyr, introduction and correction: Hamid Hamid, Tehran: Sena<br />Kilini, Mohammad bin Yaqub (1407 AH). Al-Kafi, correction and research: Ali Akbar Ghafari and Mohammad Akhundi, Volume 4, Tehran: Dar al-Ketab al-Islamiya.<br />Kamali Sarvestani, Kourosh, Encyclopaedia of Fars Historical Works, Shiraz 2014<br />Masoum Alisha, Muhammad Masoum bin Zain al-Abidin (1339). Taraiq al-Haqhayegh, edited by: Mohammad Jaafar Mahjoub, Tehran: nowhere<br />Hedayat, Rezaqoli ben Mohammad Hadi (1344). Riaz Al-Arifin reminders, edited by: Mehr Ali Gorgani, Tehran: Nowhere<strong>ضرورت تصحیح مجدّد «مثنویّات ستّه» شاه­­داعی­الله شیرازی</strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>خدیجه کیانی</strong><strong>*</strong><br /><strong>محسن محمدی فشارکی</strong><strong>*</strong><strong>*</strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>چکیده </strong><br />شاه­داعی­الله شیرازی از بزرگ­ترین عارفانی است که در قرن نهم هجری می­زیسته و آثار ارزشمندی از وی به یادگار مانده است. یکی از آثار گرانقدرش، <em>مثنویات ستّه</em> است که تنها یکبار سال 1339محمّد دبیرسیاقی آن را در قالب دیوان وی تصحیح و چاپ کرده است. تصحیح دبیرسیاقی حاصل مقابله­ی تنها دو نسخه از کتابخانه­های ملک و مجلس است و نسخه­ی سوّم که از آن به نام نسخه­ی موزه­ی بریتانیا یاد می­کند، پس از تصحیح <em>مثنویات ستّه</em> به دستش رسیده و فایده­ی لازم را از آن نبرده­ است. ما با دردستداشتن نسخه­هایی از کتابخانه­های مجلس و ملک و نسخه­ای از کتابخانه­ی سلطنتی، همچنین استفاده از نسخه­ی ارزشمند و نفیس موزه­ی بریتانیا، به تصحیح دوبارهی این اثر پرداختیم. در این پژوهش­که نتیجه­ی تصحیح دوباره­ی <em>مثنویات ستّه</em> است، نمونه­هایی از نقایص، بدخوانی­ها و گزینش­های نادرست تصحیح دبیرسیاقی بیان می­شود.<br />دیوان صادرات، دیوان قدسیات، دیوان واردات، <em>سخن تازه،</em> شاه­داعی شیرازی، <em>فیض مجدد،</em> <em>مثنویات ستّه</em>، نسخهی خطّی.<br /> <br />* دانشجوی دکتری زبان و ادبیات فارسی دانشگاه اصفهان ava213@yahoo.com<br />** دانشیار زبان و ادبیات فارسی دانشگاه اصفهان fesharaki311@yahoo.com (نویسندهی مسئول)<br /> <br /><strong>تاریخ دریافت مقاله</strong><strong>: 28/9/1400 تاریخ پذیرش مقاله: 5/4/ </strong><strong>1401</strong>https://jba.shirazu.ac.ir/article_6665_e729d0dc6ad1623063ed7c57a7af611b.pdfمعاونت پژوهشی دانشگاه شیرازشعر پژوهی(بوستان ادب)2008-818314420230220Poesia in atto: Summoning the Body, The Originality of the Voice, The Presence Condition in Act of the Totus Corpusشعر عملی: احضار تن، اصالت صدا ، قید حضور در فعل پیکره ی تام97120670510.22099/jba.2022.42864.4198FAلیلی گله داراناستادیار گروه ادبیات نمایشی/ دانشگاه هنر شیراز/ شیراز/ ایرانJournal Article20220125 <br /><strong><em>Poesia in atto</em></strong><strong>: Summoning the body, The originality of the voice, The presence condition in act of the Totus Corpus</strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><em>Leila Galehdaran</em>, Assistant Professor in Dramatic Literature in Shiraz Art University, Shiraz, Iran, l_galehdaran@shirazartu.ac.ir<br /> <br /> <br /> In the beginning, poetry was an art expressed through oral composition and song; a practice that was passed down from generation to generation. It was committed to memory with no physical transcription. The invention of the syllabary by the Sumerians (4000 B.C) led to new achievements, allowing for abstract and intangible concepts to be conceived and written. Reading and writing began and spread, and from this point on, poetry began its evolution from oral to written. <em>Poesia in atto</em>, as a post-performative poetry, with an etymological and ontological approach examines Mesopotamian and ancient Greek poetry, some of the Marinetti approaches in futurism, Antonin Artaud’s space poetry, and the Performance poetry of the eighties in America. The term Poesia in atto was used for the first time in the Italian language in the PhD thesis of Leili Galehdaran, in the Sapienza University (Rome, Italy) between 2009 and 2013. The English term chosen is ACTIOn Poetry. Actio is a theater acting technique that incorporates all the factors of the metalanguage, tone, gesture that accompany the speech.<br />This descriptive article (extracted from a thesis based on descriptive - empirical method) through an etymological and ontological approach, examines poetry between Mesopotamia and ancient Greece, some of the approaches of Marinetti's futurism, Antonin Artaud's space poetry and American performance poetry of the 1980s. It presents characteristics and parameters, new and integrated, which are the result of a rereading of theoretical essays and speeches and of the product of the poet's personal experience. The explanation of its principles and particularities was done through trial and error and laboratory analysis on poems, exercises and tests before the performances and during their execution. To obtain the personal acting ability, the scope of the essays has been expanded thanks to experimental studies on the works of others; Works that were not in the field of poetry or performance poetry but theatrical works that were produced with the artistic research of post-dramatic theater groups that worked on poem as a theatrical text and focused on sound, voice, music and noise as well as on auditory aspects and have been studied on a case-by-case basis. Thus, for the section of voice, vocalism and acting, Ermanna Montanari, the actress of the Teatro delle Albe, was taken as a perfect example to study and imitate. For the section of the body, the opinion of Cesare Ronconi, director of the Teatro Valdoca was chosen as a good example for studying the body. For the sound and noise section, a work by Chiara Guidi of the Sosciètas Raffaello Sanzio was chosen to deepen the techniques and classify the types of sounds, noises and listening.<br />Poesia in atto is a post-performative poetry based on the ancient foundation of orality, rhetoric and Khonyagari (<em>minstrelsy</em>), and its Trinitarian components are body, voice and presence. Poesia in atto is a poem extracted from the voice and the present and living body of the poet, for the present and living body of the public, therefore it is the art of the body and not just the art of language. It is a poem that, while being free from pen and paper in its composition, not only has all the formal components of poetry in general, but also has something more than what existed in its essence and origin but has retained itself in the time and in the domain of writing. The poem in act is a poem of singing aloud, and since writing is no longer the main and pivotal factor of the poem, other parameters such as: voice, sound, noise, music, gesture, mimicry, movement, space and light in the poetry composition process have the same value as language, and this value of the elements leads to the construction of a plural body, a multidimensional space and, ultimately, a totus corpus in action which is poetry. Therefore, considering the fundamental and innate differences between <em>Poesia in atto</em> and Performance poetry and the misconceptions that their performative commonalities create, this article introduces <em>Poesia in atto</em> and discusses the following: What are the differences between <em>Poesia in atto</em> and Performance poetry? The main differences can be noted between Poesia in atto and Performance Poetry, which are rooted in the foundation of the poem: In Poesia in atto, as in Performance Poetry, the poet is not whom that performs the poem, but is an intertwined and transformed part of totus corpus; Language in ongoing poetry has changed the genre of poetry; The executive structure of the Poesia in atto derived from this language which has been a change of genre is not something subsequent and added to the post-compositional process; therefore, although the executive structure of the Poesia in atto is more intertwined in the language, and the totus corpus is more complete and united, only one executive form will be possible for a poem.<br />The results obtained in this descriptive article reveal that <em>Poesia in atto</em> is not a performance of written poetry. Instead, it is a poem inseparable in its performative structure and incomparable in its components of body, voice, and presence. <em>Poesia in atto</em> is created in <em>Totus Corpus</em> (a total body), inseparable from its components, all at once to re-embody the essence of poetry in the presence of the audience through performance. One of the literary achievements of <em>Poesia in atto</em> is the expansion of <em>literary </em>techniques and the invention of new metric of poetry which also offers a new art of rhetoric.<br /> <br /> <br /><strong>Keywords:</strong> Poesia in atto, ACTIOn Poetry, Leili Galehdaran, Totus Corpus, Space Poetry, Performance Poetry.<br /> <br /> <br /> <br /><strong>Farsi Refrences:</strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><br />Ahmadi, Babak. (2014). <strong>Heidegger<em> and the Fundamental </em>Question</strong>, 7th Edition, Tehran: Markaz Publications.<br />Artaud, Antonin. 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(2008).<strong><em> Musica, corpo, espressione</em></strong>, Macerata: Quodlibet.<br />Wheeler, Lesley. (2008). <strong><em>Voicing American Poetry: Sound and Performance from the 1920s to the present</em></strong>. NY: Cornell UP.<br />Zumthor, Paul. (2001).<em> <strong>La presenza della voce. Introduzione alla poesia orale</strong></em>, Bologna:Il Mulino.<br />Zumthor, Paul. (1990). <strong>Poesia dello spazio. Nuovi territori per una nuova oralità</strong>, in «<strong><em>La taverna di Auerbach</em></strong>», nn. 0-10, 1990.<br /><br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <br /> <strong>شعر عملی: احضار تن، اصالت صدا، قید حضور در فعل پیکرهی تام</strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>لیلی گلهداران</strong><strong>*</strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>چکیده </strong><br />در آغاز، شعر هنر شفاهی قائم به سرایش و خوانش بود. میراثی که سینهبهسینه نقل میشد و از زبان به حافظه سپرده و دوباره بر زبان جاری میشد. ابداع خط سیلابیک توسط سومریان (هزارهی چهارم ق.م) دستاوردهایی داشت ازجمله: مفاهیم منتزع و غیرملموس اندیشیده و نوشته شدند، کتابت و نگارش شروع شد و شیوع یافت و سیر تکوینی شعر از این زمان به بعد گامبهگام دور شدن از شفاهیت تا استیلای تام کتابت بود. شعر عملی بهعنوان شعر پسااجرایی با رویکردی ریشهشناختی و هستیشناسانه ازطریق بررسی شعر میان رودان، یونان باستان، پارهای از رویکردهای مارینتی در فوتوریسم، شعر فضایی آنتونن آرتو و شعر اجرایی دههی هشتاد آمریکا، مؤلفههای برگرفته، تکمیلی، نوین و پیشنهادی خود را ارائه میدهد؛ ازاینرو با توجه به تفاوت بنیادین و ماهوی شعر عملی با شعر اجرایی و شبهاتی که وجه اشتراک اجرایی آنها به وجود میآورد، این مقاله ضمن معرفی شعر عملی به این میپردازد که چه تفاوتهایی میان شعر عملی و شعر اجرایی وجود دارد؟ نتایج بهدستآمده در این مقالهی توصیفی (مستخرج از رسالهی متکی به روش توصیفی- تجربی) مبیّن آن است که شعر عملی، اجرای شعر مکتوب نیست؛ بلکه سرودهای غیرقابل تفکیک از ساختار اجرایی و مؤلفههای بیبدیل تن، صدا و حضور است که در پیکرهای تام و غیرقابل تفکیک از اجزایش، به یکباره و یکجا خلق میشود تا ازطریق اجرا، ذات شعر را در محضر مخاطب تجسد مجدد بخشد. از دستاوردهای ادبی شعر عملی، بسط و توسعهی صنایع ادبی و ابداع آرایههای نوین شعری است که فن بیان جدیدی را نیز پیشنهاد میدهد.<br /> <br /> <br />* استادیار گروه ادبیات نمایشی دانشگاه هنر شیراز l_galehdaran@shirazartu.ac.ir<br /><strong>تاریخ دریافت مقاله: 12/11/1400 تاریخ پذیرش مقاله: </strong><strong>25/4/1401</strong>https://jba.shirazu.ac.ir/article_6705_12e90673084ad59e7492ebe801e6db8c.pdfمعاونت پژوهشی دانشگاه شیرازشعر پژوهی(بوستان ادب)2008-818314420230220Attribution Role of Verse Literature in the Representation of Destroyed Safavid Buildings
Case study: Behesht-Ayin Mansion in Manavi-Nameh of Mirza Mohammad Olia Nasrabadiنقش اسنادی ادبیات منظوم در بازنمایی بناهای تخریبشده صفوی مطالعه موردی: عمارت بهشتآیین در مثنوی نامه میرزا محمد علیا نصرآبادی121148684510.22099/jba.2022.43785.4242FAمصطفی گودرزیگروه مطالعات عالی هنر، دانشکده هنرهای تجسمی،دانشکدگان هنرهای زیبا، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایرانبهزاد محبیدانشجوی دکتری پژوهش هنر، گروه مطالعات عالی هنر، دانشکده هنرهای تجسمی، پردیس هنرهای زیبا، دانشگاه تهرانJournal Article20220517<strong> </strong><br /><strong>Attribution Role of Verse Literature in the Representation of Destroyed Safavid Buildings</strong><br /><strong>Case study: Behesht-Ayin Mansion in Manavi-Nameh of Mirza Mohammad Olia Nasrabadi</strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>Mostafa Goudarzi</strong><br />Professor of Advanced Studies of Art, College of Fine Arts, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran<br />Mostafagoudarzi@ut.ac.ir<br /> <br /><strong>Behzad Mohebbi</strong><br />Ph.D. Student in Art Research, Department of Advanced Studies in Arts, Faculty of Visual Arts, College of Fine Arts, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran<br />Mohebi_behzad@yahoo.com<br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong> </strong><br />Introduction<br /><strong> </strong><br />Safavid kings used to order poets to describe some buildings in poems. Examples of these poems include "Three Poems (Khamsa)" by Abdi Beyg Shirazi, "Odes" of Saeb Tabrizi, "Golzare-e-Sa'adat" by Mirza Mohsen Ta'assir, "Shahr Ashoob" by Mohammad Tahir Vahid Qazvini, "Ramz Al-Riyahin' by Ramzi Kashani, and the "Manavi-Nameh of Emarat Shahi (Shahi's Mansion)" by Mirza Mohammad Olia Nasrabadi. Although most of these poems have exaggerated in describing the building, they are valuables since many of these buildings have been destroyed, and these poems provide important rare historical information that would otherwise remain unknown. Shafia's Shirazi and Mirza Mohammad Olia Nasrabadi, two poets of the Safavid era, have written poems in the description of the Behesht-Ayin mansion. Masnai-Nameh of Nasrabadi is one of the exquisite works about the Behestht-Ayin mansion built by order of Sultan Hussein Safavi. Rare information has been left in prose documents about this demolished building in the Qajar period. Therefore, Nasrabadi's poem, which is written with a realistic view, makes it possible to have a picture of the whole atmosphere and decorations of this mansion. Among the main features of Masnavi-Nameh, one could point to the description of decorations, work plans, work rules, wages, and categories in explaining the general space of the building and occupations working in each part of the mansion.<br /> <br /><strong>Methodology, Background, and Purpose</strong><br /> <br />This is a descriptive-analytical study. Research on destroyed buildings in the Safavid period and poems related to these buildings are very limited. Shahidi Marnani (2015) in Saadat Abad garden of Isfahan in the mirror of Golzar-e- Sa'adat; Alizadeh et al. (2012) in Spatial Features of the Design of Saadat Abad Garden in Qazvin, based on the Masnavis of Rouza al-Safat and Doha al-Azhar by Abdi Beyg Shirazi"; Eshraghi (2009) in Describing the Paintings of the Safavid's Government in the Poems of Abdi Beig; Eshraghi (2008) in Description of Safavid's State House, Palace and Gardens in the poems of Abdi Beyg Navidi, a Contemporary Poet of Shah Tahmasab I<em>.</em> And Soltani (2008), in Garden of Sa'adat Abad in Qazvin, based on the Poems of Abdi Beyg Navidi Shirazi, explored buildings in the Safavid periods in the poems. This is the first research on the Behesht-Ayin mansion, and at the time of writing this article, no study was published in this field. Analyzing Safavid poems helps to understand the structural and decorative aspects of destroyed buildings. On the other hand, some of the social issues and interpersonal interactions of the Safavid period are evident in these poems, which facilitate a deep understanding of Iranian society and its strengths and weaknesses in that period.<br /> <br />Discussion<br /> <br />Among the sources related to the architecture of the Safavid era, one could refer to poets in the description of royal buildings. Although these works have exaggerated these descriptions, some contain historical information that can rarely be found in other historical sources. The analysis of these poems provides the opportunity to understand the overall structure and decorative aspects of the buildings that would otherwise remain unknown.<br />Behesht-Ayin mansion was built by order of Shah Sultan Hossein Safavi, where he lived until the end of his official reign. The only time the King was forced to leave this building was during the nine-month siege of Isfahan and the people's rebellion. There are rare data in written and visual sources about the Behesh-Ayin mansion that was destroyed during the Qajar period. In fact, the only notable work about this mansion is a Masnavi called "Description of Emarat Shahi (Shahi's Mansion)", written by Mirza Mohammad Olia Nasrabadi, which describes the Behesht-Ayin mansion. Masnavi-Nameh contains information not mentioned in other sources. Workin plans, division of tasks, working times, and other hidden information in these poems are interesting for analysis. Using the Abjad letters in the hemistich "Place of government and place of happiness," Nasrabadi has pointed to the year 1106 A.H. as the time of completion of the Beheshtayin mansion.<br />Although poems have been written describing royal buildings in previous periods, Nasrabadi's classification of occupations and features of each of them, as well as his realistic descriptions, have turned his poems into superior and more accurate works. In other words, he has described the tasks of each industry and the beauty of their works separately. The overall structure of Masnavi's Name includes general information about the client, working time, work plans, speed of construction, costs of current affairs, people involved in the construction, general aspects of the building, decorative structure, and the drawings in the Behesh-Ayin mansion. With a realistic approach, Nasrabadi described the mirror and plaster decorations, water basins, and woodworks in this building and also points to wall paintings with stories about Khosrow and Shirin, Leili and Majnoon, and Yusuf and Zulikha. This Masnavi-Nameh is so valuable that it can be considered a historical document about social interactions as well as systems of labor divisions and payments. Neither similar books of that era nor those of later eras contain such detailed information.<br /> <br /><strong>Conclusion</strong><br /><strong> </strong><br />The architecture of the Safavid era is prominent due to its magnificence, and in addition to the remaining works, there were many buildings completely destroyed in the post-Safavi era with very little remained information. According to the custom of the Safavid era, poems were written describing Safavid buildings, some with a realistic view.<br />Behesht-Ayin mansion of Shah Sultan Hossein is one of the destroyed Safavid buildings in the Qajar period, which lacks clear information. Manavi-Nameh, written by Mirza Mohammad Olia Nasrabadi during the reign of Shah Sultan Hossein, describes the Behesht-Ayin mansion, and it is the only comprehensive and first-hand work available about this mansion. Careful analysis of this Manavi-Nameh provides an overview of the structure and decorative features of this building. This book provides valuable information about the overall supervision of the architect over all the departments, plastering, continuous efforts to quickly complete the building, calculating the wages, and the people working in the construction of the building. Since it was not customary to include this type of information in other similar Masnavis of that time, the importance of Nasrabadi's Manavi-Nameh became more prominent.<br /> <br /><strong>Keywords: </strong>Verse literature, Manavi-Nameh, Safavid buildings, Behesht-Ayin mansion, Nasrabadi's Manavi-Nameh<br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong> </strong><strong>References </strong><br />Abdi Beyg Shirazi, Khawaja Zainul Abdin Ali (1977). <em>Alexandrian Customs</em>. By the effort of Abolfazl Hashem Oghli Rahimov, Moscow: Danesh Publishing House.<br />ـــــــــــــــــــــــ. (1974). <em>Doha Al-Azhar</em>. By the efforts of Ali Minaei Tabrizi and Abolfazl Hashem Oghli Rahimov, Moscow: Danesh Publishing House.<br />Afshar, Iraj. 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No. 957, Tehran: National Library of the Islamic Council.<br />Tahvildar, Mirza Hossein Khan. (1963). Geography of Isfahan. By Manouchehr Sotoudeh, Tehran: Tehran University Press.<br />Vahid Qazvini, Mohammad Taher. (No Date). <em>Divan of Poems</em>. Manuscript, No.1161, Tehran: National Library of the Islamic Council.<br /> <br /> <strong>نقش اسنادی ادبیات منظوم در </strong><strong>بازنمایی </strong><strong>بناهای تخریبشده صفوی</strong><br /><strong>مطالعهی موردی: عمارت</strong><strong> بهشتآیین در <em>مثنوینامه </em></strong><strong>میرزا محمدعلیا</strong><strong> نصرآبادی</strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>مصطفی گودرزی</strong><strong>*</strong><br /><strong>بهزاد محبی</strong><strong>*</strong><strong>*</strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>چکیده </strong><br />بنا به سلیقه و خواستِ شاهان صفوی، سفارشهایی مبنی بر توصیف ابنیهی احداثی به شاعران داده میشد. منظومهی <em>خمسه</em><em></em><em>ی سه­گانه</em><em></em><em>ی</em> عبدیبیگ شیرازی، <em>قصاید</em> صائب تبریزی، <em>گلزار سعادت</em> میرزامحسن تأثیر، <em>شهرآشوب</em> محمدطاهر وحید قزوینی، <em>رمزالریاحین</em> رمزی کاشانی و <em>مثنوی</em><em></em><em>نامه</em><em></em><em>ی وصف عمارت</em><em></em><em>خانه</em><em></em><em>ی شاهی</em> میرزامحمدعلیا نصرآبادی از این جمله آثار به شمار میروند. اگرچه اغلب این اشعار حاوی وجه مبالغهآمیزی در توصیف و شرح فضا هستند؛ ولی با توجه به اینکه تعداد زیادی از این بناهای وصفشده بهطورکلی ویران شدهاند، این اشعار اطلاعات تاریخی مهمی را ارائه میکنند که نمونهی این موارد را در جایی دیگر نمیتوان سراغ گرفت. شفیعای شیرازی و میرزامحمدعلیا نصرآبادی، دو شاعر دورهی صفوی، اشعاری را در وصف عمارت بهشتآئین سرودهاند. <em>مثنوینامه</em><em></em><em>ی نصرآبادی</em> جزء آثار بدیعی است که در وصف عمارت بهشت­آئین سلطانحسین صفوی سروده شده است. از این بنا که در دورهی قاجار تخریبشده، اطلاعات بسیار کمی در اسناد منثور باقی مانده است. از مشخصه­های اصلی این <em>مثنوی</em><em></em><em>نامه</em> ارائهی اطلاعات مربوط به تزئینات بنا، قواعد کار، نحوهی انجام کار، دستمزد، دسته­بندی در توضیح فضای کلی بنا و تعریف حرفه­ها و صفت هرکدام از بخش­هاست. مقالهی حاضر که به روش توصیفی- تحلیلی انجام شده است، نشان از آن دارد که این اشعار و بهویژه سرودهی نصرآبادی علاوه بر وصف بنا، اطلاعات مربوط به مکان قرارگیری، ترتیب بناها در نسبت با هم و پرداختن به فضا و محیط پیرامونی و توصیف فضای درونی و تزئینات بهکاررفته را در اختیار قرار می­د­هند.<br /> <br /> <br /> <br />* استاد گروه مطالعات عالی هنر، دانشگاه تهران mostafagoudarzi@ut.ac.ir<strong> </strong>(نویسندهی مسئول)<br />** دانشجوی دکتری پژوهش هنر پردیس هنرهای زیبا دانشگاه تهران mohebi_behzad@yahoo.com<br /><strong>تاریخ دریافت مقاله</strong><strong>: 17/3/1401 تاریخ پذیرش مقاله: </strong><strong>24/8/1401</strong>https://jba.shirazu.ac.ir/article_6845_38a74f105bc62b9aabefaaab7a12da26.pdfمعاونت پژوهشی دانشگاه شیرازشعر پژوهی(بوستان ادب)2008-818314420230220Complement to the Divan of Bosḥāq Atema Shiraziتکملهای بر دیوان بسحاق اطعمهی شیرازی149164686310.22099/jba.2022.44609.4281FAشهره معرفتاستادیار فرهنگستان زبان و ادب فارسی (گروه تصحیح متون)، تهران، ایرانJournal Article20220820<strong>Complement to the Divan of Bos</strong><strong>ḥā</strong><strong>q Atema Shirazi </strong><br /> <br />Shohre Marefat<br />Assistant Professor of the Academy of Persian Language and Literature<br /> <br /><strong>Introduction</strong><br /> One of the most famous poets known by the nickname "Bosḥāq" is Jamal al-Din (Fakhr-al-din) Abu Ishaq Hallaj Shirazi. We know Bosḥāq Atema ( 827 or 830 A.H. ) with his Contradictions. The focus of Bosḥāq's contradictions is the description of different types of food. Apart from the contradictions of his verse and prose, Bosḥāq has a collection of poems (about 700 verses) that are not based on types of food. A copy of this collection is in Malik National Library, N 4842. Most of the poems in this collection are mixed with mystical terms and concepts. New Fahlavi poems are also included among the poems in this collection, and we know that Bosḥāq has many Fahlavi and Shirazyat (Poems in Shirazi dialect) poems in Divan Atema. In this article, we will examine this collection and the reasons for its attribution to Bosḥāq<strong> </strong>Atema.<br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>Method, background and Purpose</strong><br /> There are many prints of Bosḥāq's works. The first edition was published in 1302 A.H. together with Divan-e-Albase with the correction of Mirza Habib Isfahani, and after him it was published twice, one in the years after 1320 A.H. [the exact date of this publication is not known], and the same edition was published by Kanoon-e-Marefat in 1360, and in 1392, Azarm reprinted it. In 1382. Mansour Rastegar-fasaei made another correction and it reached the third edition in 1397. In 1392, Mirza Habib's edition was published with a new edition and the title "Description of food" by Mohsen Azarm. The prints of Bosḥāq's works contain only a part of his collection of works and none of them are complete and contain at least two thirds of his works. By examining this collection, we sought to find out another aspect of Bosḥāq's poetic personality that no one has mentioned so far. Also, by analyzing the intratextual and extratextual signs of these poems, we enumerated the reasons for assigning them to Bosḥāq.<br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>Discussion and review</strong><br /> The manuscripts of Bosḥāq's works were not carefully read in the previous Prints, and there are many poems and verses in them that are not available in the printed editions. Among them, there is a collection of Bosḥāq's works numbered 4842 in the Malik National Library, among which there is a collection of poems containing about 700 verses that have been overlooked by researchers in this field. The poems of this collection can be included in the section: the section that begins with praise God and then praise the prophet and praise Abu Bakr and Ali. The other part is the poems that are written like these poems with the nickname of "Bosḥāq" but they often have Stable meanings, poetic and thoughtful and verbally stable and include all kinds of poetry in different formats. Most of these poems include good Ghazals. This second part contains poems by Bosḥāq that show his poetic power in various poetic formats and other subjects other than contrasts, but for some reasons these poems have been forgotten. Because on the one hand, the originality of Bosḥāq's contradictions, which became famous in the poet's own time and entered the works of his contemporaries as a poetic witness, made him stand out as a poet of contradictions, and his contradictions found followers. On the other hand, Bosḥāq's serious poems had a smaller volume compared to the contrasts. Despite this, one cannot ignore the power of Bosḥāq's imagery in the short poems of this collection or his lyrical art in these poems.<br /> In the text of these poems, we can find signs that can be used to identify the poet of the poems and to be sure about their affiliation to Bosḥāq Atema Shirazi. Among these are: the mention of the nickname of "Bosḥāq" in almost all verses, the use of titles mentioned for Bosḥāq in his works, such as "Morshid" and "Hallaj", referring to the poet's rhythm and prose, signs of poet's contradictions, the existence of poems or The fresh verses of the studied collection are found in other manuscripts of the works of Bashaq Atameh and named after him, the existence of some verses of this collection in the Dictionaries named Bosḥāq Atema, geographical references to Fars - the poet's birthplace and residence - and its cities, the foods that Bosḥāq liks and verses similar to Bosḥāq's works.<br /> <br /><strong>Conclusion </strong><br /> We know BosḥāqAtema Shirazi with his contradictions, but this poet of the Timurid dynasty, apart from the contradictions of his verse and prose, has a collection of poems that, unlike his other poems, is not based on the theme of food and is mixed with mystical themes, and sometimes historical-geographical information andsometimes it has humorous elements.This collection contains about 700 verses of Persian and Fahlavi poetry, in various formats and shows another aspect of Bosḥāq's literary personality that no one has addressed so far.Intratextual clues and other secondary sources show that this collection of 700 verses belongs to Bosḥāq.Examining these poems shows that they are good and not good, many of the poems in this collection are lyrical poems with a strong structure and thoughtful meanings, and another part are Sufi poems that are inferior to lyrical poetry in terms of structure and meaning.The large number of good poems in this collection, compared to inferior poems, shows the power of Bosḥāq's poetry.<br /> <br /> <br /><strong>Keyword: </strong>Bosḥāq Atema, New Poems and Verses, introduction and review<br /> <br /><strong>R</strong><strong>eference </strong><br />- Azar Bigdeli, Lotf-Ali Beg. (1337). <em>Atashkadeh-ye Azar</em> (Azar's Fire Temple). by effort Hasan Sadat Nasiri. Tehran: Amir Kabir.<br />- <em>Banakati</em>, <em>Davood ibn Mohammad. (1348). </em><em>History of Banakati. </em>by effort Jafar Shaar. Tehran: National Works Association.<br />- Beiza'i, Abdollah ibn Omar. (1382). <em>Nezam al-Tawarikh. </em>by effort Mir Hashem Mohaddeth. Tehran: <em>Bonyad moghofat</em> Afshar Publications.<br />- Dowlatshah Samarghandi. (1338). <em>Tazkirah al-Shoara</em>. Tehran: Khavar.<br />- Gīlānī, Abū al-Fatḥ. (1968). <em>Ruqaat</em> Hakeem <em>abu al Fateh Gilani</em>. Ed Muhammad Bashir Hossein. Pakistan: Adara Teqeqate Pakistan.<br />- Ḥallaj Shirazi, Abū Esḥāq. (1302). <em>Bos</em><em>ḥā</em><em>q</em><em>’</em><em>s d</em><em>ī</em><em>v</em><em>ā</em><em>n. </em>Ed Mirza Habib Esfahani. Istanbul: Abu Al-Zeia.<br /> _____ . (1397). <em>Kulliyat-I Bos</em><em>ḥā</em><em>q <strong>Atema Shirazi</strong>. </em>Ed Manṣūr <em>Rastegar Fasai. </em>, Tehran: Miras-e Maktoob.<br />- Hemawi, Yaghut. (1380). <em>Mojam al-Boldan (Dictionary of Countries). </em>Translated by <em>Ali Naghi Monz</em><em>avi</em>. Tehran: Organization of cultural heritage of the country.<br />- Ḥosaynī Fasāʾī, Ḥajj Mīrzā Ḥasan. (1378). <em>F</em><em>ā</em><em>rs-n</em><em>ā</em><em>ma-ye n</em><em>āṣ</em><em>er</em><em>ī</em><em>. </em>Ed Manṣūr <em>Rastegar Fasai. </em>Tehran: Amir Kabir.<br />- <strong>Ibn al-Balki. (1362). </strong><em>F</em><em>ā</em><em>rs-n</em><em>ā</em><em>ma. </em>Ed by G. Le Strange and R. A. Nicholson. Tehran: Donyaye ketab (The world of books).<br />- Iraqi, Fakhr al-Din Ebrahim. (1362).<em> Koll</em><em>ī</em><em>y</em><em>ā</em><em>t-e Ir</em><em>ā</em><em>q</em><em>ī</em>, With an introduction Naser Hayyeri. Tehran: Gholshaei.<br />- Mustawfī Ḥamdallāh. (1381).<em> Nuzhat al-Qulub</em>. by effort Mohammad Dabir Siaghi. Qazvin: Hadith e Emrooz.<br />- Ohadi <em>Belyani</em>, <em>Arafat</em> <em>al-Ashqin and Arsat al-Arifin</em>. (1391). Ed by Z. Sahib-kari & A. Fakhr-Ahmad, Tehran: Miras-e Maktoob, Muze & kitabkhane Markaz Asnad.<br />- <em>Papeli Yazdi</em>, Mohamad Hossein. (1388). <em>Encyclopedia of Villages and Religious Places</em>. Mashhad: Astan eGhods.<br />- Saʿdī, Moṣleḥ Al-ddin. (1367). <em>Kulliyat-I Sa</em><em>ʿ</em><em>d</em><em>ī</em>.<em> </em>by effort Mohammad Ali Foroughi. Tehran: Amir Kabir.<br /> _____ . <em>ghazals of </em><em>Sa</em><em>ʿ</em><em>d</em><em>ī</em><em>.</em> (1385). Ed Gholam-Hosein Yusofi. Tehran: Sokhan<em>. </em><br />- Zarkoob Shirazi, Abo al-Abbas Moein Al-din. (1350). <em>Shiraz-name</em>. by effort Esmaeil Vaez Javadi. Tehran: Bonyād-e Farhang <em>-e </em><em>I</em><em>r</em><em>a</em><em>n. </em><br /> <br /> <br /> <strong>تکملهای بر <em>دیوان بسحاق اطعمهی شیرازی</em></strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>شهره معرفت</strong><strong>*</strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>چکیده</strong><strong> </strong><br />شیخ جمالالدّین بسحاق اطعمهی شیرازی، از شاعران و نویسندگان نقیضهسرای قرنهای هشتم و نهم هجری است. تنها اثری که از بسحاق اطعمه به یادگار مانده است، <em>کلّیات</em> اوست که شامل دیوان و چند رساله در توصیف انواع خوراکیهاست. این اثر برای آگاهی از اصطلاحات اطعمه، از منابع دستاوّل پژوهشگران است و اطّلاعات فرهنگی، اجتماعی و ادبی مفیدی را نیز دربردارد. این مجموعه بارها چاپ شده است. نخستین چاپ آن همراه با دیوان البسه با تصحیح میرزاحبیب اصفهانی در سال 1302ق چاپ شد و همین چاپ را کانون معرفت در سال 1360 چاپ کرد و در سال 1392 نیز آزرم همان را بازچاپ کرد. در سال 1382 بار دیگر منصور رستگارفسایی تصحیح دیگری از آن انجام داد و میراث مکتوب آن را منتشر کرد. هر یک از این چاپها امتیازهایی دارد؛ امّا یافتههای نویسندهی این مقاله نشان از آن دارد که حجم <em>دیوان بسحاق اطعمه</em> بسیار بیش از آن است که در آثار چاپشده از او وجود دارد و ازسویدیگر بسحاق تنها شاعری نقیضهسرا نیست و اشعار دیگری هم دارد که محور آنها اطعمه نیست. در این مقاله بر اساس نسخهای از کتابخانهی ملک (شمارهی 4842)، به این اشعار تازه میپردازیم. در این نسخه قریب 700 بیت تازه (اعم از فارسی و فهلوی) از بسحاق هست که در چاپهای موجود از این کتاب نیست. در این اشعار قراینی است که انتساب آنها به بسحاق اطعمه را تأیید میکند. این اشعار نشان از چهرهی تازهای از بسحاق اطعمهی شیرازی دارد که تاکنون کسی بدان نپرداخته است.<br /> <br /><strong> </strong><br /> <br />* استادیار زبان و ادبیات فارسی فرهنگستان زبان و ادب فارسی(گروه تصحیح متون) shohratmarefat@yahoo.com<br /><strong>تاریخ دریافت مقاله: 29/5/1401 تاریخ پذیرش مقاله:</strong><strong> 16/9/1401</strong>https://jba.shirazu.ac.ir/article_6863_084c1c9c10e6437d2db90883c3a791c1.pdfمعاونت پژوهشی دانشگاه شیرازشعر پژوهی(بوستان ادب)2008-818314420230220The Connection Between Mysticism and Social Themes in the Poetry of Abdul Wahab Al-Bayati and Mohammad Reza Shafi'i Kadkaniپیوند عرفان و مضامین اجتماعی در شعر عبدالوهاب البیاتی و محمدرضا شفیعیکدکنی165190671310.22099/jba.2022.42101.4149FAامیر مقدم متقیدانشیار گروه زبان و ادبیات عربی دانشگاه فردوسی مشهد0000-0002-9457-3728صفورا نظریکارشناس ارشد گروه زبان و ادبیات عربی دانشگاه شهید مدنی آذربایجانمسعود باوان پوریدکتری زبان و ادبیات عربی دانشگاه شهید مدنی آذربایجان0000-0003-4219-9575Journal Article20211028<strong>Amir Moqaddam Mottaqi</strong><br />Associate Professor in Arabic Language and Literature,Ferdowsi University of Mashhad, Mashhad, Iran<br />a.moghaddam@ferdowsi.um.ac.ir<br /><strong>Safoura Nazari</strong><br />Master of Arabic Language and Literature Department of Azarbaijan Shahid Madani University, Tabriz, Iran<br />s.nazari@yahoo.com<br /><strong>Masoud Bavanpouri</strong><br />PhD graduate of the Department of Arabic Language and Literature of Azarbaijan Shahid Madani University, Tabriz, Iran<br />mbavanpouri@yahoo.com<br /><strong>Introduction </strong><br />Comparative literature is one of the nascent and effective sciences that examines the literature of all nations as a connected collection - despite the apparent and linguistic differences - and while introducing local literature, it shows its relations and relationships with world literature. "Yves Chevrel" emphasizes this feature and writes in a definition of comparative literature: "Comparative literature means the comparative study and review of works that arise from different cultural contexts" (2016: 25). Mystical and Sufi themes are one of the topics that exist in classical and contemporary Arabic and Persian literature, and many poets have paid special attention to this in their poems, and even some of them, such as Sana'i, Maolavi, and Ibn Arabi, have written a large part of their poetry. dedicated to mysticism and mysticism. Abdul Wahab Al-Bayati and Mohammad Reza Shafiei-Kedkani are among the poets who used mystical and Sufi themes in their poems in order to explain the political and social situation of their time. Examining their poetry shows that interaction with the social environment and familiarity with people's suffering has made both poets committed and affected by the problems of the times (see Al-Bayati, 1993: 35; Abbasi, 2007: 96).<br /> <br /><strong>Research method, background and purpose</strong><br />As one of the most prominent Iraqi poets, al-Bayati has always been the focus of Arab and non-Arab writers, therefore, many works have been written about his poems؛ Among them, the book "Abd al-Wahhab al-Bayati and al-Sha'ar Al-Iraqi al-Hadith" written by Dr. Ehsan Abbas, the book "Al-Rawiya fi Sha'ar al-Bayati" by Mohi-eddin Sobhi, the book "Abd al-Wahab al-Bayati fi Mirayah al-Sharq" by Zaher Al-Jizani. Many works have been published about the works of Shafii-Kadkani, including: Habibullah Abbasi in "Safranama Baran" and Kamiar Abedi in the book "Dar Roshni Baranaha" have criticized his poems. Nahede Foozi et al. (2013) have tried to prove the hypothesis based on the theory of intertextuality and by examining the evidence that the similarities in the poems of these two writers are not accidental and indicate the influence of contemporary Persian poets from powerful Arab writers Because they paid attention to the similarity of the symbols and the similarity of the poetic titles and only in a general part and a passing reference (one page) they pointed to common mystical foundations. Using the descriptive-analytical method and relying on the French school of comparative literature, this research has tried to examine the connection between mystical themes, symbols, as well as mystical and Sufi characters with the situation of the society of Iran and Iraq in the poems of al-Bayati and Kodkani.<br /><strong>Discuss</strong><br />Abdul Wahab Al-Bayati and Shafii-Kadkani have many points of commonality in poetic themes, which may be due to Shafii-Kadkani being influenced by the translation of Al-Bayati's poems and his familiarity with the Iraqi poet. A Sufi who has a wide reflection in the poetry of al-Bayati and Kodkani is Hasan bin Mansour Hallaj; Both poets give the title of their poem as Hallaj and in these poems, they examine Hallaj's life as a rebel mystic against oppression.<br />In the existence of al-Bayati, there is a state of deep feeling of alienation, existential and internal alienation, which indicates the feeling of spiritual alienation in this world, but in all existence. In his poem, Kodkani admits his loneliness and alienation from his environment or time and uses the night to reflect the suffocation of his time. However, although the poet feels alienated and alienated, this loneliness does not lead him to despair, but he also expects the morning and victory. On the other hand, this sense of alienation did not cause isolation, pessimism and seclusion of these two poets.<br />Al-Bayati and Kodkani in their works express their mystical and Sufi tendencies with plenty of specific Sufi terms such as Attihad, Annihilation and Survival, Wajd, Khurshid, Aho, Ishrak, Lahut, Nai, Masti, Sahba, Sabuh, Saghar, Shur and Makhan and ... have brought up words that they have expanded and developed with amazing ability in the form of parables and poetic expressions.<br />Both poets have seen survival in perishing and cutting themselves off; Al-Bayati turns into light by going beyond the desires of his soul, and Kodkani is a distant wave from the sea that reaches its origin (God) by passing through itself.<br />Al-Bayati introduces his beloved as Ishtar, who is a symbol of the revolution and is waiting for her manifestation so that her wishes will be fulfilled and the country will be filled with prosperity. But Kodkani talks about the manifestation of the true beloved who is God and does not consider any human to be able to see this. Manifestation in al-Bayati's poetry has a political and social concept, and in Kodkani's poetry, it has a mystical concept.<br />When al-Bayati talks about submission and satisfaction in his poems, it is due to his disillusionment with the chaotic social situation in Iraq, which he calls its correction, and he despairingly submits to the relief and openness that awaits him, a submission that smells of It has algebra. Even though Kadkeni is disappointed, he also talks about the peace that comes from surrendering to God's will.<br /><strong>Result</strong><br />The analysis of Al-Bayati and Kodkani's poems shows that both poets have given new dimensions to Hallaj's character and aligned it with contemporary experience. This mystical character in the poem is both a symbol of rebellion and rebellion against tyranny and tyranny, as well as a symbol of martyrdom and free thinking. Both poets cried out against the oppression of their country and condemned the oppressive rulers of the time, but al-Bayati openly and recklessly and codified in the form of using symbols. In Al-Bayati's words, love is linked with the concept of homeland, which the usurpers have filled with cruelty, but Kodkani's love has flowed between the devotee and the deity. Surrender and annihilation in Al-Bayati's poems is due to his disillusionment with the chaotic situation of society, which he has no hope of correcting, but from Kodkani's point of view, surrender is due to his surrender to God's will. 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No 2 pp. 27-55.<br />Sabbaghi, Ali and Sakineh Ranjbaran (2014), "Effects of intertextual relationships in the poems of Mohammad Reza Shafiei Kodkani and Abdul Wahab Al Bayati", Comparative Literature, Vol 7, No 12, pp. 227-248.<br />Seidi, Seyyed Hossein (2004), The Function of Tradition in Contemporary Arab Poetry, Mashhad: Ferdowsi University of Mashhad.<br />Shafiei-Kadkani, Mohammad Reza (1980), Contemporary Arab Poetry, Tehran: Tos.<br />Shafiei-Kadkani, Mohammad Reza (2001), Contemporary Arab Poetry, Tehran: Sokahn.<br />Shafiei-Kadkani, Mohammad Reza (2010 c), Zamzame- ha, 15th edition, Tehran: Sokhan.<br /> Shafii-Kadkani, Mohammad Reza (2010 b), DarKocheh Baghhay-e Neishabour, 15th edition, Tehran: Sokhan.<br />Shafii-Kadkani, Mohammad Reza (2010 d), Ghazal Baray-e Gol-e Aftabgardan, 15th edition, Tehran: Sokhan.<br />Shafii-Kadkani, Mohammad Reza (2010a), Az Zaban-e Barg, 15th edition, Tehran: Sokhan.<br />Sharif, Fadel Abdul-Amir (2019), "Manifestations of the Inheritance in the Divan of Oriental Texts by Abd al-Wahhab al-Bayati", Journal of the College of Education for Girls, University of Baghdad, Vol. 30, No.3, pp. 142-158. <br />Volk, Rene and Austin Warren (1994), Literary Theory, translated by Zia Mohahed and Parviz Mohajer, Tehran: Scientific and Cultural Publications.<br />Zarin Koob, Abdul Hossein (1994), The Value of Heritage and Sophia, 7th edition, Tehran: Amir Kabir.<strong>پیوند عرفان و مضامین اجتماعی </strong><strong>در شعر عبدالوهاب البیاتی و محمدرضا شفیعیکدکنی</strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>امیر مقدم متقی</strong><strong>*</strong><br /><strong>صفورا نظری</strong><strong> </strong><strong>*</strong><strong>*</strong><br /><strong>مسعود باوانپوری</strong><strong>*</strong><strong>*</strong><strong>*</strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>چکیده </strong><br />عبدالوهاب البیاتی و شفیعی­کدکنی از شاعران نامور معاصر در ادبیات عربی و فارسی هستند که اشتراکهای فراوانی در اشعار خویش دارند؛ یکی از این ویژگیهای مشترک، توجه به مضامین اجتماعی است که در شعر دو شاعر با عرفان سنتی و نوین درهم آمیخته شده است. نگارندگانِ مقالهی حاضر بر پایهی روش توصیفی- تحلیلی و با تکیه بر مکتب فرانسوی ادبیات تطبیقی به تبیین وجوه اشتراک در شعر این دو شاعر پرداختهاند. با بررسی <em>الأعمال</em><em> الشعریة</em> البیاتی مشخص شد که وی هرچند از مضامین و رموز عارفانه استفاده کرده؛ اما آن را با هدف شعری خود که همان طرح انقلاب و آزادی و بیان مضامین اجتماعی است، همرنگ ساخته ­و درواقع این رموز را از معانی اولیهی خود خالی کرده و همچون لباسی بر پیکرهی افکار انقلابی­اش ­پوشانده است. عرفان شفیعیکدکنی نیز در مجموعههای <em>زمزمه­ها</em>، <em>گل آفتابگردان</em>، <em>از زبان برگ</em> و <em>در کوچه باغهای نیشابور</em> موردبررسی قرار گرفت و مشخص شد که عرفان او نوعی دید است که با دید اجتماعی و عاشقانه و طبیعت­گرایانهاش درهم آمیخته است. حلاج در شعر هر دو نمادی از شورش و تمرد در برابر زورگویی و استبداد و نیز نمادی از شهادت و آزاداندیشی است. هردو شاعر در برابر ظلم و ستم حاکم بر کشور خویش فریاد برآورده و حاکمان ظالم زمانه را محکوم کردهاند؛ اما البیاتی صریح و بیپروا و کدکنی در قالب استفاده از نماد. دو شاعر بهوفور از اصطلاحات عرفانی بهره گرفتهاند؛ اما البیاتی درجهت مبارزه با ظلم حاکم بر جامعهی خویش و کدکنی برای تبیین مقاصد عارفانه و عاشقانهی خود. درمجموع میتوان گفت که اگرچه هردو شاعر برای تبیین اوضاع سیاسی و اجتماعی زمانهی خویش از مضامین عرفانی بهره جستهاند؛ اما این امر در شعر البیاتی بیشتر رخ نمایانده است.<br /> <br /> <br />* دانشیار زبان و ادبیات عربی دانشگاه فردوسی مشهد a.moghaddam@ferdowsi.um.ac.ir<br />** کارشناس ارشد زبان و ادبیات عربی دانشگاه شهید مدنی آذربایجان، تبریز، ایران s.nazari@yahoo.com<br />*** استاد مدعو زبان و ادبیات عربی دانشگاه ادیان و مذاهب، قم، ایرانmbavanpouri@yahoo.com (نویسندهی مسئول)<br /> <br /> <br /><strong>تاریخ دریافت مقاله</strong><strong>: 19/8/1400 تاریخ پذیرش مقاله: 25/4</strong><strong>/1401</strong><br /> https://jba.shirazu.ac.ir/article_6713_a7eba07d031f9c0159ca84fa8b398336.pdfمعاونت پژوهشی دانشگاه شیرازشعر پژوهی(بوستان ادب)2008-818314420230220Short Article :Yādgār: A Technical Official (Dīwānī) Term in Šāhnāmaمقاله کوتاه: یادگار: اصطلاحی دیوانی در شاهنامه191200687110.22099/jba.2023.44844.4301FAنادره نفیسیاستادیار گروه فرهنگ و زبانهای باستانی،دانشکده علوم انسانی، دانشگاه آزاد ابهر.ابهر.ایران0000000223577457Journal Article20220918<strong><em>Yādgār</em></strong><strong>: </strong><strong>A Technical Official</strong><strong> (<em>Dīwānī)</em> Term in <em>Šāhnāma</em></strong><br /> <br /><strong>Nadereh Nafisi</strong><br /><em>Faculty of Humanities</em><em>, Abhar Branch, Islamic Azad University, Abhar, Iran</em><br /> <br /><strong>Introduction</strong><br />In Firdausī’s <em>Šāhnāma</em> (1010 AD), in the story of the reign of Hurmazd-i Nūšīnrawān, after Parmūda, the son of Sāva-Šāh, comes under the protection the Šāh and Bahrām Čōbīn, Bahrām commands the secretaries to count and record the treasures of the fortress where Parmūda was kept captive in. Here the poet says:<br />The secretaries set forth with fearful hearts/From dawn ̶ until three watches of the night had passed<br />Much <em>yādgār</em> (?)<em> </em>was blacked/But was not written [all of the treasure] eventually<br /> As it appears, this word has been recorded in the narrative of Farāmarz-nāma in the region of Kūhmareh Sorxī of Fars province in the form of <em>yāzgār</em>/<em>yadhgār</em>, meaning “leather scroll”. Accordingly, one of the researchers by presenting attestation from Arabic texts and showing the term <em>ayādkārāt al-furs</em> in the texts of <em>Kitāb al-Masālik wa al-mamālik</em>, and <em>Kitāb al-Aqālīm</em> (both by Iṣṭaxrī, 10<sup>th</sup> AD) also concluded that <em>ayādkārāt al-furs</em> “were scrolls (<em>ṭūmār</em>) on which the images of the kings of ancient Iran, the <em>marzpān</em>s, the Zoroastrian clerics <em>(hērbed</em>s and <em>mowbed</em>s), and their stories were recorded”. In the following of the mentioned article due to the presence of this term in Arabic texts, the same meaning of “leather scroll”, which is used in the region of Kūhmareh Sorxī, has been accepted for the word <em>yādgār</em> in the verse in question.<br /><strong>Research Background</strong><br />So far, researchers have expressed various opinions about this word (see Aydenloo, 2007 → “Važe-ī farāmūš šode az <em>Šāhnāmeh</em> dar farhang-hā”; Khatibi, 2007 → “<em>Yāzgār</em> ya <em>yādgār</em>”; Sadeghi, 2007 → “Darbare-ye<em> yāzgār</em>”; Naghzguy-Kohan, 2009 →“<em>Yāzgār</em> va <em>Yādgār</em> va enšeqāq-e avvalīyye”). What is mentioned in the <em>Notes on the </em><em>Šāhnāmeh</em> (Khaleghi Motlagh, 2012) about this word, is a summary of these discussions. The author of the <em>notes</em> finally concluded that <em>yādgār</em> used in the above verse refers to “paper, writing and <em>sawād</em>”.<br /><strong>Discussion</strong><br />In my view, first of all, it is not necessary to elaborate the meaning of <em>ayādkārāt al-furs</em> in Arabic texts; It is obvious that in Middle Persian <em>ayādgār</em>, which later became <em>yādhgār</em> and <em>yādgār</em>, means “note”, “treatise”, “treatise of biography”; Secondly, the meaning of “leather scroll”, which is based on the narrative of Farāmarz-nāma in Kūhmareh Sorxī of Fars, refers to the appearance of these treatises, not the lexical and terminological meaning of the word <em>yādgār</em>.<br /> But the word <em>yādgār</em> in <em>Šāhnāma</em>, as it appears, is a technical official (<em>dīwānī</em>) term and the poet has probably quoted this word from Abū-Manṣūrī’s <em>Šāhnāma</em>; because <em>yādgār</em> has been used only once in this sense in the <em>Šāhnāma</em>, whereas Firdausī could easily have used the word “paper” instead, without affecting the meter of the poem. Therefore, to find attestation for this term, the first step is to examine the historical texts and the books of <em>Āyīn-i dabīrī</em>. After much searching, the author found this word only in <em>Zayn al-axbār</em> (1051 AD) Gardēzī.<br /> Gardēzī mentions <em>yādgār</em>/<em>yadhgār</em> after the “royal mandate” (<em>manšūr</em>) and “register” (<em>sijill</em>) and then speaks about the “bags of couriers (<em>barīdān</em>)” and the “safe-conducts” (<em>amān-nāma-hā</em>), which indicates that <em>yādgār</em> was a ministerial (<em>dīwānī)</em> term. Since Gardēzī most likely quoted this news from Mas‘ūdī’s (d. 957 AD) <em>Murūj al-dhahab</em> (<em>The Meadows of Gold</em>), it will be helpful to find out the Arabic equivalent of this term in this book.<br /> Mas‘ūdī in the<em> Meadows of Gold</em> under the “mention of the Sassanid kings …” has spoken of the treatises (<em>rasāʼil</em>) and registers (<em>sijillāt</em>) and then <em>tadhkirāt</em>, and Gardēzī has placed <em>yādgār-hā</em> as equivalent to the word <em>tadhkirāt</em>. Therefore, most likely, the term <em>tadhkira</em>, which was translated from Arabic to Persian in the Islamic era, was equivalent to the word <em>ayādgār</em> in Middle Persian. Now, if the meaning of <em>tadhkira</em> is understood, the meaning of the word <em>yādgār</em> in the above phrases and Firdausī's <em>Šāhnāma</em> will also become clear.<br /> The word<em> tadhkira</em> in Persian, in addition to its general meanings, has been a <em>dīwānī</em> term and has three different meanings that we often see in Persian historical-literary texts such as <em>Tārīx-i Bayhaqī</em> (11<sup>th</sup> century) and <em>Tarǰama-yi tārīx-i Yamīnī</em> <em>(</em>13<sup>th</sup> century):<br /> 1- List (<em>siyāha</em>) of presents and goods;<br /> 2- Script and note (in the specific sense of official letter or message);<br /> 3- A written request or complaint addressed to the king and the nobles to receive a reply.<br /> In the verse in question in this article, the word <em>yādgār</em> refers exactly to the first meaning, that is, “list (<em>siyāha</em>) of goods”, and most likely, Firdausī quoted this word from Abū-Manṣūrī’s <em>Šāhnama</em>. This is a testament to his commitment to the source used. Now the question that arises here is whether in pre-Islamic sources the word <em>ayādgār</em> had other meanings besides “note”, “treatise”, “treatise of biography” or not? The author thinks that the answer to this question is ‘yes’. The reason is its use, in a sense other than the common meanings, in the text of the<em> History of Sebeos</em>.<br /> Thomson, the English translator of the<em> History of Sebeos</em>, uses the word “letter” for <em>yektar</em> and states in the footnote that the word has no attestation for use prior to Sebeos. It should be noted that Sebeos used <em>yetkar</em> here for a specific meaning, otherwise, he could have used commonly used words such as “paper” or “letter” to refer to this letter as he has used in few lines lower. In another attestation in the same book, this word is used to mean “account”, which is somewhat close to the meaning of the word <em>yādgār</em> in the verse discussed in the <em>Šāhnāma</em>.<br /><strong>Conclusion</strong><br />According to what has been said, the word <em>yādgār</em> in the verse in question in <em>Šāhnāma</em> was a technical official (<em>dīwānī)</em> term meaning “goods report” or “goods list” (<em>siyāha</em>), and it is not a general term. What reinforces this conjecture is the association of this word with other <em>dīwānī</em> terms in <em>Zayn al-axbār</em>. In addition, the use of the word <em>yetkar</em> in the <em>History of Sebeos</em>, which is a loan word from Middle Persian, confirms the use of this word with the specific meaning of the letter or note. The author thinks that <em>ayādgār</em> also had various meanings in the Middle Persian, which, although not available to us, traces of them are left in Armenian. The word <em>tadhkira</em> in the <em>dīwānī</em> terms of the Islamic era is also the Arabic equivalent of the word <em>yādgār</em> before Islam.<br /> <br /><strong>Keywords</strong>: <em>Šāhnāma</em>, <em>Yādgār</em>/<em>Yadhgār</em>, Ministerial (<em>Dīwānī)</em> Terms<br />BIBLIOGRAPHY<br />Āmulī, Šams al-Dīn Muḥammad (1381/2002). <em>Nafāʼis al-funūn fi ‘arāʼias al-‘uyūn. </em>vol. 1. A. Ša‘rānī (ed.), Tehran.<br />Anvari, H. (1355/1976). <em>Eṣṭelāḥāt-e dīvānī-e dowre-ye Ghaznavī va Salǰūqī</em> [<em>Ministerial (Dīvānī) Terms of the Ghaznavid and Seljuk Period</em>], Tehran.<br />Aydenloo, S. (1386/2007). “Važe-ī farāmūš šode az <em>Šāhnāmeh</em> dar farhang-hā [A Forgotten Word of <em>Šāhnāma</em> in <em>Farhang</em>s]”. <em>Farhang-nevīsī</em>, no. 1, pp. 280-285.<br />Bayhaqī, Abuʼl-Faḍl (1389/2010). <em>Tārīx-e Bayhaqī</em> [<em>History of Bayhaqi</em>]. vol. 1. M. J. Yahaqqi/M. Seyyedi (eds.), Tehran.<br />Firdausī, Abuʼl-Qāsim (1386/2007). <em>Šāhnāma</em> (vol. 7). J. Khaleghi Motlagh/A. Khatibi (eds.), Tehran.<br />________ (1394/2015). <em>Šāhnāma. </em>vol. 4. J. Khaleghi Motlagh (ed.), Tehran.<br />Gardēzī, Abū Sa‘īd ‘Abd al-Ḥayy (1384/2005). <em>Zayn al-axbār</em> <em>[The Ornament of Histories]</em>. R. Rezazadeh Malek, Tehran.<br />Hindū-Šāh Ṣāhibī Naxǰavānī (1313/1934). <em>Tajārib al-salaf</em>. ‘A. Eqbal (ed.), Tehran.<br />Hoffmann, G. (1880). <em>Auszüge aus syrischen Akten persischer Märtyrer</em>, Leipzig.<br />Hübschmann, H. (1897). <em>Armenische Grammatik: I. Armenische Etymologie</em>, Leipzig.<br />Jabbareh Naseroo, ‘A. (1394/2015). <em>“Yāzgār</em> ya <em>yādgār:</em> Važe-ī baḥth-angīz dar <em>Šāḥnāmeh </em>[<em>Yāzgār</em> or <em>Yādgār</em>: a Controversial Word in <em>Šāḥnāma</em>]”, <em>Farhang-nevīsī</em>, no. 10, pp. 139-146.<br />J̌urfādiqānī, Abū-Šaraf Nāṣiḥ b. Ẓafar (1374/1995). <em>Tarǰama-yi tārīx-i Yamīnī</em> [<em>Translation of the History of Yamini</em>]. J. Sho‘ar (ed.), Tehran.<br />Khaleghi Motlagh, Dj. (1391/2012). <em>Yāddašthā-ye Šāhnāmeh</em>. Baxš-e 2 [<em>Notes on the Šāhnāmeh</em>, vol. 2]. Tehran.<br />Khatibi, A. (1386/2007). “<em>Yāzgār</em> ya <em>yādgār</em>”. <em>Farhang-nevīsī</em>, no. 1, pp. 286-289.<br />Mas‘ūdī, Abū al-Ḥasan ‘Alī b. al-Ḥusayn (2005). <em>Murūj al-dhahab wa ma‘ādin al-jawhar</em> [<em>The Meadows of Gold and Mines of Gem</em>], Beirut.<br />MacKenzie, D. N. (1986). <em>A Concise Pahlavi Dictionary</em>, London.<br /> <br />Meybudī, Abuʼl-Faḍl Rašīd al-Dīn (1382/2003). <em>Kašf al-asrār</em>. vol. 6. ‘A. A. Hekmat (ed.), Tehran.<br /> <br />Mīhanī, Muḥammad b. ‘Abd al-Xāliq (1375/1996), <em>Dastūr-i dabīrī</em> [<em>The Rules of Secretaryship</em>], S. ‘A. Razavi Bahabadi, Bahabad.<br />Nahvi, A. (1397/2018), “Darbāre-ye do vāže-ye kamyāb-e <em>Šāhnāmeh</em> (<em>Yādgār</em>, <em>Sind</em>) [On Two Rare Words of <em>Šāhnāma</em> (<em>Yādgār</em>, <em>Sind</em>)]”, <em>J̌</em><em>ostārhā-ye novīn-e adabī</em> , no. 200, pp. 259-270.<br />Naghzguy-Kohan, M. (1388/2009), “<em>Yāzgār</em> va <em>Yādgār</em> va enšeqāq-e avvalīyye [<em>Yāzgār</em> and <em>Yādgār</em> and the primary split"], <em>Farhang-nevīsī</em>, no. 2, pp. 222-226.<br />Omidsalar, M. (1389/2010), <em>Sī o do maqāle dar naqd va taṣḥīḥ-e motūn-e adabī</em> [<em>Thirty-two Articles in Critique and Edition of Literary Texts</em>], Tehran.<br /><em>Pahlavi Texts</em> (1913), J. D. M. Jamasp-Asana (ed.), Bombay.<br />Sadeghi, ‘A. A. (1386/2007), “Darbare-ye<em> yāzgār</em> [On the <em>yāzgār</em>]", <em>Farhang-nevīsī</em>, no. 1, p. 290.<br />Sebeos (1999), <em>The Armenian History Attributed to Sebeos</em>, R. W. Thomson (trans.)/J. Howard-Johnston (historical commentary), Liverpool.<br /> <strong>یادگار: اصطلاحی دیوانی در <em>شاهنامه</em></strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>نادره نفیسی</strong><strong> </strong><strong>*</strong><br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>چکیده</strong><br />واژهی <strong>یادگار</strong> در معنای متداول آن بارها در <em>شاهنامه</em> به کار رفته است؛ ولی تنها یکبار در داستان پادشاهی هُرمَزدِ نوشینروان، در هنگام شمارش و نگارش گنج و خواستهی دژی که پَرموده، پسر ساوهشاه، در آن محصور بوده، فردوسی این واژه را در معنایی متفاوت به کار برده و به احتمال بسیار آن را از <em>شاهنامهی ابومنصوری</em> نقل کرده است. تاکنون پژوهشگران آرای گوناگونی دربارهی معنای این واژه مطرح کردهاند که هیچکدام گویای معنای دقیق آن نیست. نگارنده در این مقاله کوشیده است نشان دهد که بر پایهی منابع تاریخی (بهویژه <em>زینالاخبار</em> گردیزی)، واژهی <strong>یادگار</strong> در بیت مزبور، <strong>اصطلاحی دیوانی</strong> و معادل کلمهی <strong>تذکره</strong> در متون تاریخی دورهی اسلامی بوده است. به گمان نگارنده واژهی ayādgār در فارسی میانه نیز افزون بر معانی مشهور «یادداشت»، «رساله» و «سرگذشتنامه» بر اثر توسّع معنایی، معانی دیگری نیز داشته که بهسببِ ازدسترفتن متون فارسی میانه به دست ما نرسیده؛ ولی در کتاب <em>تاریخ سبئوس</em>، مورّخ ارمنی سدهی هفتم میلادی حفظ شده است.<br /> <br /> <br />* استادیار فرهنگ و زبانهای باستانی، دانشگاه آزاد ابهر، ابهر، ایران nad_nafisi@yahoo.com<br /><strong>تاریخ دریافت مقاله: 27/6/1401 تاریخ پذیرش مقاله: </strong><strong>26/10/1401</strong>https://jba.shirazu.ac.ir/article_6871_71be8c41d0e103ce4f478fc7aefe6a07.pdf